Conservative MP Richard Bacon is a man who evidently knows
his own mind, and is a backbencher who would appear from his record to act in accord with his beliefs rather than with a view to furthering his career in the
parliamentary Conservative Party. Thus, he was in March 2003 one of only 15
Conservative MPs to vote against the Iraq War; in April 2006 he helped to
precipitate the ejection of the then Home Secretary Charles Clarke from office
following questions he fielded relating to what happened to released prisoners
who happened to be failed asylum seekers, and he has for some time been
campaigning for the reform of food labelling so that companies cannot claim –
as they can at present – that meat produced abroad but packaged or processed in
the UK is ‘British’. However, his efforts with respect to labelling ought to go
further, for it would not seem that he has extended this principle to the
compulsory identification of meat from religiously slaughtered livestock –
halal and kosher – which constitutes a significant animal welfare issue.
Today, Bacon sought to bring about the repeal of Labour’s
Human Rights Act by introducing a 10-minute rule bill. His rationale for its
repeal rested upon his belief (and mine) that the manner in which it has been
employed by the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) to interfere with British
law is “fundamentally undemocratic”. According to a BBC report he stated:
"A supranational court can impose its will against ours and, in my view, this is fundamentally undemocratic.
"Judges do not have access to a tablet of stone not available to the rest of us that allow them better to discern what our people need than we can possibly do as their elected, fallible, corrigible representatives.
"There is no set of values so universally agreed we can appeal to them as a useful final arbiter. In the end, they will always be shown up as either uselessly vague or controversially specific.
"In the end, questions of major social policy - whether on abortion, or capital punishment, or the right to bear firearms, or workers' rights - should be decided by elected representatives, and not by unelected judges."
Bacon’s reasoning based upon the
principle of the law being responsive to and determined by the nation strikes
me as a fundamental one, for who after all, appoints the judges in Strasbourg?
To whom are they accountable? They, presumably, see themselves as akin to
Plato’s ‘Guardians’, but their authority, clearly, is in direct contradiction
to the principle of democracy and democratic accountability. If the ECHR
ostensibly portrays itself as the defender of ‘fundamental human rights’, does
its interference in national law not constitute a contradiction of the
democratic principle? Is the right to change our laws and to political
self-determination not then a ‘fundamental human right’? This seems to be the
ECHR’s view, and as such, it undermines its own credibility by taking such a
position.
Although Bacon managed to muster
the support of 72 MPs, unfortunately his bill was defeated, for 195 voted
against it. One of his leading opponents was Labour MP Thomas Docherty, who did
make the valid point that the authority of the ECHR in the UK arose not from
the act which he was seeking to repeal, but from our membership of the European
Convention on Human Rights. However, Docherty then went beyond any position to
which I would subscribe, by making the baseless assertion that to depart from
the Convention would somehow signal that we here in our country would condone
torture or deny our citizens’ right to life, thereby setting a negative
precedent for those living in countries struggling to obtain respect for
individual rights and liberties. By making these points, he appeared to imply
that the Convention was one of the few things restraining us from falling into
a state of arbitrary barbarism, which strikes me as tasteless hysteria.
To assert the primacy of national
law above the authority and decisions of any supranational court is not to deny
‘human rights’, but to affirm them, in the form of the recognition of the
concrete democratic rights of the nation and its constituent members. I find
torture abhorrent, and do not argue for our departure from the Convention so
that we may implement such a vile practice, or to deny our citizens their
‘right to life’, but to assert the democratic right of the nation to determine
its own fate. We need therefore to leave the European Convention on Human
Rights, as well as the European Union, for both departures would serve as
necessary preconditions for the foundation of meaningful democracy and the
revival of political participation in our country. Every nation deserves the
right to self-determination, and at present, this is something that we are
denied.
Judges at the European Court of Human Rights
I think you're right to compare the Strasbourg judges to Plato's guardians, ie the only fully individual and fully-formed people that his Republic would countenance. Is it a coincidence that there are shades of the Republic in any left-wing totalitarian polity, from the USSR through Hitler's Reich to the EU?
ReplyDeleteI am sure that they perceive themselves in such a high-minded fashion. Although the EU does of course possess an authoritarian streak and seeks to enforce a certain ideology, a direct comparison with either the USSR or the Third Reich is I think mistaken, for although freedom of speech is today unfortunately circumscribed and people are penalised for holding politically incorrect beliefs, the EU neither possesses gulags nor death camps. If the EU can be adjudged to be 'totalitarian' in its advocacy of a certain ideology comprised of anti-nationalism, multiculturalism and encouragement of mass non-European immigration into our continent, it is a soft 'totalitarianism'.
DeleteIt is commonplace to juxtapose the 'Left' with the Hayekian 'Right', attributing totalitarian impulses to the former and libertarian ones to the latter, but why the power of transnational corporations and the banking system should be trusted any more than the power of a given state, is a total mystery to me. I for one subscribe to the opinion that limits ought to be placed upon the freedom of action of all such powerful actors, for whether those who thirst for power happen to operate the machinery of a given state or a transnational corporation or a bank, it matters but little to the disempowered mass of people who do not find themselves in positions of influence within either. The mantra of ‘public bad’ and ‘private good’ is as mistaken as the converse statement. Power takes many forms, as does the abuse of that power.
Transnational corporations (TNCs) care not about democracy or the fate of nations, but one thing only: profit. Although democracy is widely paid lip service as being the ideal model of governance for the state, when it comes to corporations and business more generally, authoritarianism is portrayed as, and perceived to be, the ideal. The EU may be opposed to the right of its constituent nations to self-determination, but then again, the TNCs and the international banking system also find nations inconvenient, preferring instead the unhindered movement of capital, goods and people. Those who advocate the diminution of the state in favour of the growth of the power of TNCs and the banks, advocate the dissolution of nations and thereby the destruction of democracy. Such powerful agents look upon the atomistic, depoliticised world of the individual global consumer as the ideal, and those who attack every aspect of state power in favour of the mistaken assertion that private capital somehow encapsulates ‘freedom’, merely serve to hasten the arrival of what they may think is a ‘global village’, whilst in reality laying the foundations for the creation of a ‘global prison’.
Wellsaid, Durotrigan. Globalism is bad for the survival and interests of nations whether it is represented by the internationalist socialists (although some would dispute this nowdays) of New Labour or the internationalist capitalists of the Conservative Party. UKIP, of course, have failed to recognise that unhindered capatalism can prove to be against the national interest.
ReplyDeleteThanks. This is certainly UKIP's Achilles' heel, although this element of their policy agenda tends not to be focused upon by the media. I don't believe that the majority of voters who lend them their support share their economic agenda.
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