The Lisbon Treaty: David Cameron and the Death of British Democracy

So, David Cameron will not hold a referendum on the Lisbon Treaty. No surprise there. Did anyone really expect him to offer this to us? Come now, surely you weren’t fool enough to fall for Dave’s “finger of fudge”?

Admittedly, it would not technically make ‘sense’ to hold a referendum on a treaty that has already come into effect and reduced us to a de facto province of the EU, but there would be nothing preventing Cameron from offering us a referendum on continued EU membership following a Tory victory next year. This of course, is not strictly true, for there is something very powerful preventing him from offering us this option: his belief that our absorption into the EU fledgling superstate is a desirable end in itself. What does this betoken for the Conservative Party?

We are entering very interesting and uncharted territory in domestic politics, for the two main political parties have now adopted policies that have effectively alienated their traditional core supporters. Many Tories are naturally Eurosceptic, and Cameron’s willing acquiescence in the snuffing out of our national statehood will not endear him to them. This comes on top of his unwillingness to set a cap upon immigration; ethnic-minority favouritism, all-women shortlists and an embrace of political correctness and multiculturalism which has underpinned these shifts. The focus of contemporary Conservative economic policy, like that of the Labour and the Liberal Democratic parties, is upon unfettered globalism, with no regard for its corrosive impact upon our traditional social fabric and culture.

What therefore, can we say is truly conservative about the Conservative Party? Very little, I would suggest, for the leading lights within the parliamentary party seek to preserve little more than their own personal interests, and those of the rootless transnational capitalist elite which advocates the EU project and globalism more generally. Other than these interests, their policies favour only a tiny minority of the very wealthy within our country. It may pose as a libertarian party (which it is, compared to the Labour Party) and Cameron may employ some of the language of one-nation conservatism and state that multiculturalism is bankrupt, but all of these are but baseless soundbites designed to appeal to traditional Tories. The reality of the contemporary Conservative Party is that it is forwarding an agenda that is diametrically opposed to the objectives and interests of many of its core supporters.

The polls published on the UK Polling Report Blog (http://ukpollingreport.co.uk/blog/) show that the Conservatives have been enjoying a significant lead in the polls since Brown wavered over holding a snap General Election in the autumn of 2007, but dig a little deeper and this lead is more fragile than the headline figures would suggest. The Conservative lead is based more upon voters’ dislike of the Labour Party, rather than any positive regard for the Tories or their leadership. Now that Cameron has alienated the Eurosceptic voting public, what impact will this have upon voting patterns at next year’s General Election? Will significant numbers of Conservative voters desert Cameron for UKIP or the BNP? Could this deny the Conservatives the victory that seemed, until recently, they were almost certain to win? It is difficult to say, for the Labour Party seems to be on the same trajectory as Lloyd George’s Liberal Party: ever downwards.

Labour’s demise rests upon its loss of an animating purpose that chimes with the mood and interests of the native British people. The Labour Party has viciously turned upon the working class and the indigenous population of the British Isles (especially the English). It has vigorously pursued the privatisation agenda, and woven itself into the oligarchical nexus of globalist capitalism. It has nothing positive to offer the indigenous working and middle classes of the United Kingdom. It has pursued policies that have attacked the cultural, ethnic and economic fabric of our country. It is bankrupt, both literally and ideologically. Consequently, chunks of its traditional support have sheared off.

Many Labour supporters amongst the professional middle classes have been wooed by the Cameroons, the Liberal Democrats or the Greens, whilst significant numbers of the dejected English working class have turned to the BNP: “the Labour Party your grandparents used to vote for.” Very large numbers of traditional Labour voters have simply stayed at home and given up on voting. I see nothing in the direction of Labour policy that will cause people (other than of course its imported pool of voters from Pakistan, Bangladesh and elsewhere) to actively support it at the polls in 2010. Those who have traditionally voted Labour but have in recent years given up on voting would be, in my opinion, open to voting for the BNP if only they knew what its policies were.

So, our two main political parties, used to taking turns in governing our country, find themselves in the peculiar position of having alienated their respective core constituencies. Both back the anti-democratic EU oligarchical project, so is it any wonder that people are switched off by mainstream politics, and think that their votes count for nothing? Which of the two main parties will lose most support: Labour or Conservative? One thing is for certain: the party that forms the government of the United Kingdom in 2010 will lack an effective democratic mandate, for it will not in any meaningful respect represent the will of the indigenous people of this country.

In the longer term, both Conservative and Labour parties are finished unless one or the other embraces nationalism. If they do not, another party will step out of the shadows to take its rightful place in Westminster.