Nigel Farage may have been chastised for employing the term ‘fifth
column’ in a recent Channel 4 News interview when referring to what he termed a
‘tiny minority’ of Muslims in the UK, but his usage of this term was correct:
there is a fanatical and violent Islamist fifth column in this country.
Moreover, it self-evidently exists in many other European countries, wherever
in fact, there are significant Muslim populations, i.e. in every western
European state (although for the sake of exactitude I ought to make clear for
pedantry’s sake that we should probably exclude Andorra, Liechtenstein, Monaco
and San Marino from consideration. As for the Vatican, well . . .).
How might a ‘fifth column’ be defined? What should we
consider to be its composite elements, and which pose the greatest danger? At
the heart of this fifth column lie violent Islamists. Their numbers are
difficult to estimate, but as a starting point, one can take the number who
have been involved in the conflict in Iraq and Syria on behalf of ISIS or other
Islamist organisations such as Al-Nusra. Intelligence estimates place this at
somewhere in the region of 600. A certain proportion of these are unlikely to
return from the Middle East, but it is reckoned that several hundred have come
back to the UK. These individuals, together with other violent Islamists working
on their own domestic plots who have not travelled to Iraq or Syria, could
therefore number in the high hundreds or low thousands.
Before proceeding further, this piece rests upon the premise
that Islamists actively identify against their European host societies, as the
latter are not, and do not wish to become, Islamic states under the rule of
Shariah. Islamists wish to establish the rule of Shariah and can be divided
into two types: violent and non-violent. The former are willing to employ
terror and revolutionary methods, whereas the latter may be content to use
democratic mechanisms, relying upon gradual demographic change to gradually
take control of the jurisdictions in which they reside. Both are a threat, with
the first group demanding the immediate attention of our security services so
as to contain and neutralise any imminent and nascent plots, whereas the second
group can be dealt with via a combination of long-term surveillance, the
choking off of financial support, and political measures that remove the
ideological ‘respect’ accorded to Islam as a religion in this country and the
other states of Europe.
Not all Muslims are Islamists of course, but all Islamists
believe in Islam. Hence, the higher the resident Muslim population, the greater
the potential internal threat. So, how large is the Muslim population? What is
the trajectory that it is set upon?
The 2011 census recorded a total Muslim population of 2,706,066 in England and Wales, although this of course would not have included
either those people who live here illegally, or those whose command of English
is so limited as to have rendered them incapable of completing the census
return. It is probably safe to assume that the actual number is above 3
million.
The official statistics show that the Muslim population experienced
phenomenal growth between the censuses of 2001 and 2011, for in the first of
these years only 1.5 million people in England and Wales self-reported as
Muslim. When we turn to the demographic composition of the resident Muslim
population compared to people identifying themselves as Christian or as possessing
no religion, the differences are pronounced, and suggest that the problems with
Islamism that we encounter today are likely to grow and intensify in the future.
Even if all immigration from Muslim countries were to cease now, the resident
Muslim population would continue its rapid growth both in terms of absolute numbers
and as a proportion of the overall population.
Whereas 26% of Christians and 39% of non-believers were aged
between 0 and 24 in 2011, 48% of Muslims fell into this age bracket. In the
next age bracket of 25-49, the corresponding figures were a little more evenly
balanced at 31%, 42% and 40% respectively, but turning to the retired segment
of the population aged 65 and above, the respective figures are radically
different, being 22%, 6% and 4%. In age terms alone, the potential for Muslim
fertility is thus considerably greater than for either of the other two groups.
Moreover, Muslims traditionally have larger families than members of the other
groups. It is also worth considering that 53% of Muslims in the 2011 census had
been born abroad, although that said, many second and third generation Muslims
resident in the UK have turned to Jihadism. Islam therefore remains a
physically, as well as a culturally, alien presence in England and Wales, and
the sense of ‘grievance’ that is so frequently voiced by its adherents, from whichever
of its many different varieties, is intrinsically linked to the desire for
power, both cultural and political, in a country in which their culture and
values, which they believe to be innately ‘superior’, have to take a
subordinate position – for now – to those of the host society.
The next element of the fifth column are the sympathisers of
the violent Islamists who, although not willing to endanger their own lives,
may be willing to aid and abet them in their deeds. This group is likely to be
considerably larger, numbering at least in the low thousands. This brings us to
the third element, the political Islamists, who could be divided into those who
are active members of organisations and supporters of campaigns pursuing an Islamist
agenda, and their passive supporters. The first group will contain many more
individuals than those currently willing to pursue violent means, with the pool
of potential passive supporters being massive, numbering at the very least in
the hundreds of thousands, if not millions.
In October 2014, the Times reported that a Populus poll of
2,000 ‘British’ adults revealed that one in seven had “warm feelings” towards
ISIS, with support being at its highest level amongst the under 25s. If one
were to extrapolate from these figures to the general population, this would
imply that circa 9.2 million adults in our country look upon the Islamist
regime in question favourably. Quite clearly, one would correctly think that
the majority of those who do so are Muslim. The pool of support for Islamism in
the UK is therefore several million strong, including, in all likelihood, the
majority of the practising doctrinaire Muslim population. This is the size of
the potential fifth column.
In France, it would seem that things are even worse, with
their fifth column being larger still. A poll carried out in France in August 2014 reported that 16% of the French population were favourably disposed
towards ISIS. How can this be? Do French non-Muslims really have a favourable
view of ISIS? If this poll is to believe, over 10 million French citizens
possess such views, far higher than the generally accepted figure of 4.7
million for the number of Muslims in France.
I can appreciate that many readers will think that I and
others who share my concerns regarding this issue will believe me to be unduly ‘alarmist’,
even ‘paranoid’, but committed minorities can, and do, bend the societies in
which they live to fit their agendas. Depressingly, the tipping point seems to
set in once the committed minority reaches 10% of a given population as one piece of recent research would appear to demonstrate:
‘Scientists at Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute have found that when just 10 percent of the population holds an unshakable belief, their belief will always be adopted by the majority of the society.’
‘Scientists at Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute have found that when just 10 percent of the population holds an unshakable belief, their belief will always be adopted by the majority of the society.’
In France, the UK and Germany, we are not that far away from
such a tipping point with our Muslim populations. This is why the warnings of
Pegida need to be heeded, and the Front National must make headway in France
before it is too late (although of late Marine Le Pen has been criticised for
being too accommodating to Islam. One prominent FN MEP – Aymeric Chauprade –
has released a video in which he declares that France is now at war with some
Muslims, but “not Muslims in general.” The video and an accompanying article
can be found at the Galliwatch blog). What will we do in the UK? Who wants to
return to the Middle Ages? Not me.
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